Commentary

Ask the government what it does not want to answer. Ask the opposition what it does not want to answer. Ask Ambazonian leaders what they do not want to answer. Ask military commanders what they do not want to answer. Ask diplomats what they do not want to answer. Ask religious leaders what they do

Build owners. Build competitors. Build institutions that survive their founders. Then no politician will need to tell us that Victoria is a strategic port. The ships will tell us. The cargo will tell us. The factories will tell us. The electricity demand will tell us. The revenues will tell us. The businesses will tell us.

History does not repeat itself perfectly, and Cameroon in 2026 is not Europe in 1938. The actors, scale, institutions, history, and circumstances are different. That distinction must be respected. But history leaves warnings even when it does not provide exact templates. Munich should therefore not teach Ambazonia to reject diplomacy. It should teach Ambazonia to

When an individual’s immediate relative has fronted international press coverage outside a state’s own diplomatic gates, the risk is no longer generic it is highly individualised, traceable, and acute. For the United Kingdom to proceed with a forced removal under these conditions constitutes a direct, irreversible breach of international non-refoulement obligations. The narrative before the

The record may open the door. Statecraft must carry us through it. That is the recalibration. That is the work before us. And that is why I remain confident—not because victory is automatic, but because Southern Cameroonians now possess enough historical experience, professional talent, international exposure and institutional knowledge to make the transition from grievance

Archbishop Andrew Nkea may still choose to use his office in the service of such a process. He could demand transparency, insist upon internationally facilitated negotiations, defend political prisoners, and confront state abuses with the same clarity expected when condemning abuses by non-state actors. Until he does so, Ambazonians are entitled to regard his mediation

Britain knows how to build a constitutional peace. Northern Ireland proves it. The failure to pursue comparable political imagination in Southern Cameroons is therefore not a failure of knowledge. It is a decision that British interests are better protected by managing the conflict than by confronting its foundation. By Ali Dan IsmaelEditor-in-chief The Independentist News

Southern Cameroonians contributed to Britain’s wartime survival. A Spitfire carried the name “Cameroons Province.” Britain won the war but emerged financially exhausted. It later terminated its trusteeship over Southern Cameroons while British commercial interests remained. Decades later, Margaret Thatcher told President Paul Biya that Britain, having withdrawn from the stage after independence, wanted to return.

The central question cannot permanently be: How do we reconcile North West and South West? A more fundamental democratic question is: What political future do the people of the Former British Southern Cameroons choose for themselves? Different people may answer differently. That is precisely why a democratic and Internationally credible political process matters. The restoration

Ambazonia is the project. Freedom is the objective. Responsible sovereignty is the destination. And if the day comes for genuine third-party-mediated negotiations, those entering the room should understand what is being contested and what must be resolved. Not merely North West versus South West. Not merely one politician in Yaoundé versus another. Not merely a