Professor Joseph Owona one of the key architects of the Essingang
By Mankah Rosa Parks
Senior Investigative Correspondent, The Independentist
When Nazi Germany collapsed in 1945, many believed its fascist ideology would perish with it. But in the ashes of Berlin, something sinister lived on—not in Europe, but in France’s former African colonies.
France, which had collaborated with Hitler through the infamous Vichy regime, borrowed key tactics from the Nazi playbook—not to govern France, but to maintain its grip on colonies like Cameroon. The aim was to crush resistance, manipulate ethnic divisions, and entrench authoritarian rule.
In Cameroon, this borrowed ideology took root under President Paul Biya. It was not called Nazism. It had no swastikas or jackboots. Instead, it operated under a tribal cloak—a network known quietly but powerfully as Essingan.
Essingan:
The Hidden Engine of Biya’s Regime
“Essingan” means “brother” in the Beti-Fang language. But in the world of Cameroonian politics, Essingan is far more than a term of affection. It is a secretive alliance of Beti-Bulu elites—politicians, military generals, university professors, and business executives—who form the invisible core of Biya’s 42-year rule.
Unlike a political party, Essingan does not have a manifesto. It has no headquarters or public events. Its strength lies in the silence of its members, bound by blood, tribe, and loyalty to Paul Biya. Much like Hitler’s SS, Essingan exists to protect the leader, control the state from within, and crush any opposition that threatens the system.
The French Hand Behind the Curtain
After World War II, French right-wing elites realized that the techniques used by Hitler to crush dissent and manipulate the masses could be useful in the colonies. With remarkable cynicism, they repurposed these strategies—ethnic favoritism, youth indoctrination, secret police, and propaganda machines—to suppress independence movements.
In Cameroon, this system became especially refined. The French trained early post-independence leaders like Ahidjo and Biya in psychological warfare, tribal patronage, and state surveillance. Over time, these tools gave birth to Essingan—a uniquely Cameroonian version of the Nazi SS.
The Core Ideology: Biya’s Mein Kampf
Paul Biya’s book, Communal Liberalism, is often cited as his ideological foundation. But like Hitler’s Mein Kampf, it is vague, confusing, and largely unread. Its real purpose is not to inform the public—but to offer justification for absolute power. Just as Hitler used Mein Kampf to justify racial domination, Biya uses Communal Liberalism to legitimize tribal hegemony, centralization, and repression.
Who Are the Architects of Essingan?
Essingan has many faces. Some are intellectuals. Others are soldiers. Many are appointed ministers or heads of powerful institutions. But all are linked by two things: ethnic allegiance to Biya’s Beti-Bulu heartland and unquestioning loyalty to the regime.
Among the deceased or ousted founding architects:
Professor Joseph Charles Owona – Often considered the ideological godfather of Essingan, he played a critical role in shaping Biya’s tribal loyalist doctrine.
Professor Titus Edzoa – Once Biya’s closest confidant and Secretary General at the Presidency, he was later jailed for daring to challenge the president.
Jean Fochivé – A ruthless head of internal security in the 1980s and 1990s, Fochivé was Biya’s enforcer and master of surveillance.
Among the current torchbearers of Essingan:
Ferdinand Ngoh Ngoh – Secretary-General at the Presidency. Arguably the most powerful unelected official in Cameroon, Ngoh is Biya’s right hand and his executor-in-chief. No major decision passes without his approval.
Louis Paul Motaze – Minister of Finance. Controls the national treasury and ensures that state funds are funneled through Essingan-friendly channels.
Laurent Esso – Minister of Justice. Oversees the legal system with an iron fist, ensuring that courts are used to punish dissent and protect the regime.
Joseph Beti Assomo – Minister of Defence. Controls the military’s loyalty, especially its elite units, and is central to the suppression of resistance in Anglophone regions.
Jacques Fame Ndongo – Minister of Higher Education. Acts as the ideological propagandist in universities and higher institutions, enforcing pro-regime narratives.
René Emmanuel Sadi – Minister of Territorial Administration. Controls governors and prefects nationwide, ensuring Essingan dominance in all regions.
Paul Atanga Nji – Minister of Special Duties at the Presidency. An Anglophone used as a token to divide opposition in the English-speaking regions; widely seen as a pawn of Essingan.
Gaston Eloundou Essomba – Minister of Water and Energy. Controls strategic utility sectors and ensures that rural development follows tribal lines.
André Mama Fouda – Former Minister of Public Health. Managed health institutions with clear tribal patronage, ensuring access and promotions were loyalist-driven.
Ngalle Bibehe – Minister of Transport. Oversees critical infrastructure and licensing sectors, maintaining Essingan networks in ports and logistics.
David Nkoto Emane – Former General Manager of CAMTEL. Under his watch, state telecommunications became a surveillance tool for the regime.
Gervais Bolenga – General Manager of CAMWATER. Controls urban water supply contracts and funds, a known Essingan insider.
Ngo’o Galax Etoga – Head of Gendarmerie. The internal military force that serves as the iron fist of Essingan rule.
The Breaking Point: Resistance, Wikileaks, and Dr. Sako’s Awakening Strategy
For decades, Essingan thrived on secrecy and silence. But the 21st century brought a new threat—the internet, whistleblowers, and a digitally connected resistance movement.
Leaks from diplomatic cables, insider reports, and social media revelations have exposed the inner workings of Essingan to the world. No longer hidden behind tribal rituals and French-backed alliances, the web of control is now visible.
And then came Ambazonia.
Through a combination of self-defense, political education, and international lobbying, the Ambazonian movement—led intellectually by President Dr. Samuel Ikome Sako—began exposing the tribal core of Cameroon’s dictatorship. Sako’s doctrine of preemptive education and strategic resistance has shattered decades of fear and ignorance.
Today, thanks to this awakening, more Cameroonians understand that Biya’s regime is not just corrupt—it is structured like a tribal dictatorship born of Nazi logic, protected by a secret elite who believe the country belongs to them.
Conclusion: Shadows Cannot Rule Forever.
The Nazi model of rule—secret police, tribal supremacy, propaganda, and personality cult—was reborn in Yaoundé as Essingan. But history has shown that such regimes eventually collapse—not from external war, but from internal awakening.
With resistance rising, and the secrets of Essingan laid bare, Cameroon stands at a crossroads. The future will not be decided by loyalty to tribe or party—but by the will of a people who have finally learned the truth.
And once the people know the truth, no amount of secrecy can save the shadows.
Mankah Rosa Parks.
