When transparency became inevitable, many chose the same route: to splinter, to smear, and to rebrand themselves as reformers.
By The Independentist investigative news Desk
Across the Ambazonian liberation movement, a troubling pattern keeps repeating itself.
Those who once held privilege and power within the Interim Government have become its loudest critics — not out of conviction, but out of fear of accountability.
Chris Anu, Marianta, the late Eyembe Eyango, Daniel Tangumonkem, Etobayang, John Egyawan, Richard Tangu Yengo, Helen Akonji, Atan Millan, Dr. Abongwa, Celesh Bongo, Paul Bassa Nillong, and Elvis Kometa — all once close to the financial or administrative nerve centre of the Ambazonian project — have, in varying degrees, been associated with mismanagement, unrendered accounts, or abrupt disappearances when audits approached.
When transparency became inevitable, many chose the same route: to splinter, to smear, and to rebrand themselves as reformers.
A Trail of Questions
Chris Anu failed to account for $135,000 in public funds. When asked for evidence, he claimed to have “brought the CDC deal” to Dr. Samuel Ikome Sako. Pressed for proof, he fell silent — and has remained silent ever since.
Etchu Tabeyang Brado, who managed My Trip To Buea (MTTB) funds, allegedly diverted them and then blamed others for the shortfall. It later emerged that Sisiku Ayuk Tabe personally instructed Etobayang never to appear before the audit committee. Following those orders, he vanished with tens of thousands of dollars — money still unaccounted for.
The late Eyembe Eyango arranged a $1 million contract with a lobbying firm purportedly to “buy independence.” Before the deal was properly vetted, he had already siphoned $17,000 from public funds. The transaction was discovered in time, and further disbursement was immediately stopped, saving Ambazonia from a major financial and diplomatic scandal.
Richard Tangu Yengo, once custodian of the Ambazonian Treasury in Europe, reportedly emptied the accounts and disappeared, leaving no financial record behind.
John Egyawan, a retired U.S. military officer and self-styled pastor, allegedly withdrew defence funds and melted away from public view once auditors began inquiries.
Daniel Tangumonkem, previously cited for theft of community funds in Dallas, now parades as a moral reformer in exile politics.
Helen Akonji, who held a permanent posture in the treasury, disappeared suddenly amid rumours linking her personally to Sisiku Ayuk Tabe and professionally to his brother Etobayang — both central to early treasury controversies.
Atan Millan, once a financial coordinator within diaspora networks, reportedly withdrew from accountability circles when questioned over project funds.
Dr. Abongwa, initially celebrated as a technocrat in early management, fell out of the accountability framework after inconsistencies emerged in humanitarian and logistics fund records.
Celesh Bongo, once responsible for logistics within the Ambazonian Restoration Forces (ARF), allegedly diverted money meant for defence to family members and former partners. She later joined the Sisiku camp before disappearing altogether.
Paul Bassa Nillong, who handled Meme County ARF finances, reportedly mismanaged large sums, smuggled himself to Europe, and has since become one of the loudest critics of the Sako administration — still unable to account for the missing defence funds.
Elvis Kometa, a senior functionary once entrusted with defence funds, allegedly used public money to travel to Nigeria to visit his estranged wife under the guise of assisting refugees — an act never supported by any official report and for which no accountability has ever been rendered.
Marianta followed the same pattern — misuse of trust, disappearance, and re-emergence as a supposed reformer.
The Trojan Horse of Deceit
Ironically, many of these same individuals now invoke “My Trip To Buea” — a fund they never contributed to — as their Trojan Horse of deceit.
They exploit the people’s disappointment to disguise their own culpability. Their pattern is familiar: Misuse public trust. Evade accountability. Form a splinter group. Cry “corruption!” louder than anyone else.
But Ambazonians have matured. They recognise that most splinter movements are not born of ideology, but of fear — fear of audits, fear of exposure, and fear of justice.
A Movement Learning from Its Wounds
No liberation struggle is free from betrayal. The Ambazonian revolution, like others before it, has attracted both patriots and opportunists. Early systems were weak, oversight limited, and passion often outran procedure. But time has been a patient teacher.
Few acknowledge Dr. Samuel Ikome Sako’s quiet, consistent effort to build institutions that prevent the very crimes his critics decry. Under his leadership, financial accountability, legal structure, and institutional discipline have reached unprecedented levels.
Dr. Sako created an independent Audit Committee to review all financial activities of the Interim Government. The committee’s findings and recommendations led to the establishment of strong governance institutions that have stood the test of time, ensuring that no individual — however powerful — could again hold the people’s resources hostage.
Instead of recognising and congratulating these achievements, some Ambazonians have adopted a sophomoric attitude, repeatedly demanding new audits for My Trip To Buea, even though a full audit report was already prepared and presented to the people. This endless recycling of false outrage exposes not genuine curiosity, but a deliberate attempt to reopen wounds already healed through transparency.
Today, beyond the audit systems, the Government of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia now operates under the Intergovernmental Oversight Committee and the Ethics Committee — two permanent structures designed not only to educate public officials on ethics, but also to oversee financial accountability across departments and agencies.
Together, they ensure that governance is not driven by individuals but guided by enduring principles.
Accountability is at its best, yet those now shedding crocodile tears refuse to admit that they themselves flourished under a poorly administered system crafted by Sisiku Ayuk Tabe and his inner circle of loyalists. They lament the past but deny the reforms reshaping the present — mistaking personal guilt for patriotism.
The Company of Critics
Having lost moral standing, many of these figures have gathered into what observers now call a “company of critics.” Bound not by principle but by shared guilt, they hope to tear down the Government of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia to escape the moral judgment history has already pronounced.
Yet no war is ever waged in a clinical environment.
Revolutions are born amid chaos, sacrifice, and imperfection. But when those who caused the disorder now seek to destroy the revolution itself — simply to conceal their own acts — that raises deep concern for both history and morality. And still, they have failed. The people are wiser; the institutions stronger; and the revolution more grounded in truth than ever before.
Toward Buea and Beyond
When Ambazonians finally return to Buea, public accountability will be reopened. Those who betrayed the people’s trust will answer to the nation. Some dismiss this as a mirage, yet reality is unfolding as the government advances its diplomatic offensive and earns growing international credibility.
Under Dr. Sako’s administration, the Government of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia (In Exile) continues to professionalise governance, tighten fiscal controls, and transform painful lessons into pillars of reform.
The revolution no longer belongs to individuals with borrowed titles; it belongs to a people with purpose.
And history — patient though it is — never forgets.
When it writes, it will separate those who built systems from those who betrayed them.
The Independentist investigative news Desk
Truth for Justice, Accountability, and Nationhood
