Rebuttal to Propaganda Claims by CPDM Militant Damian Kedzih Wung (Esu Fondom) Against the Government of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia (in Exile)
Recently, Damian Kedzih Wung, a militant of Cameroon’s ruling CPDM party from Esu Fondom, circulated a list of accusations against the Ambazonian liberation movement. His statements echo the standard propaganda script of the Biya regime, aimed at collapsing criminal proxies, rogue actors, and the Ambazonian State Army (ASA) into a single narrative to delegitimize the Ambazonian Government’s lawful resistance.
This document provides a clear, evidence-based rebuttal to each of his claims, using verified incidents, international reports, and diplomatic records.
- Who Really Refuses Peace
Wung claims Ambazonians “do not want to end the crisis.” This is demonstrably false.
The conflict is not a “secessionist crisis” but a decolonization dispute rooted in the non-implementation of UN General Assembly Resolution 1608 (XV) of 1961 and the illegal annexation of Southern Cameroons by La République du Cameroun.
For decades, Yaoundé has rejected neutral international mediation, militarized the territory, and criminalized legitimate political demands. In contrast, the Government of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia (in Exile) has consistently called for neutral, third-party mediated negotiations, not Yaoundé’s unilateral dictates.
The refusal to end the conflict lies squarely with the colonial administration—not Ambazonia.
- On Killings and Civilian Atrocities
Wung repeats the regime’s propaganda that Ambazonians are “killing their own people.” The opposite is true.
The Cameroonian military is responsible for the majority of civilian killings, as documented by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the United Nations, and BBC Africa Eye. These include massacres in Ngarbuh (2020), Pinyin, Muyuka, and the burning of Mamfe District Hospital in 2022.
The Ambazonian State Army (ASA) arose as community-based forces to protect civilians from these atrocities. When isolated abuses have occurred, the Ambazonian Government has publicly condemned, disassociated itself, and restructured local commands.
It is Paul Biya’s forces—not the ASA—that have conducted systematic massacres of civilians.
- On Kidnappings and Ransom-Taking
Wung accuses Ambazonians of kidnapping their own people. This claim collapses under scrutiny.
The only Ambazonian-linked faction ever indicted and arrested abroad for kidnappings and transnational crimes is AGOVC, led by Cho Ayaba, which has long operated as a proxy of Colonel Bamkoui’s intelligence network inside the Biya junta.
Cho Ayaba is currently jailed in Norway, and two of his lieutenants — Benedict Nwana Kuah and Pascal Kikishy Wongbi — were arrested in Minnesota, USA, in connection with kidnapping and ransom networks run by BIR soldiers and state infiltrators posing as “separatists.”
Even AGOVC’s own American lobbyists have advised the group to seek legal counsel and are preparing to resign, unwilling to represent a faction now tainted by criminal activity.
By contrast, the Ambazonian Government has issued strict anti-kidnapping directives, dismantled rogue elements, and worked with communities to expose these proxies.
When Wung repeats that “secessionists are kidnappers,” he is in fact describing AGOVC’s Bamkoui-linked networks, not the Ambazonian Government or the ASA.
- On Children, Schools, and “Unidentified Gunmen”
Wung accuses the Ambazonian movement of using children as bargaining chips and attacking pupils. This is both false and manipulative.
The school boycott was a civil resistance measure intended to protect the Anglo-Saxon educational system from forced assimilation, not an attack on children. Since 2020, the Ambazonian Government has encouraged community-based education under Ambazonian curricula, while Cameroon has militarized schools, arrested teachers, and used classrooms as garrisons.
Many attacks attributed to “unidentified gunmen” have later been traced to Cameroon’s colonial administration and security services, which use false-flag operations to terrorize communities and frame the resistance.
The Ngarbuh Massacre (February 2020) is the clearest example. Cameroonian soldiers and auxiliaries murdered 21 civilians, including 13 children. Under international pressure, the regime admitted responsibility but did nothing meaningful: a few low-ranking soldiers were paraded, no command responsibility was established, no reparations made, and the trial has stagnated.
These are the “unidentified gunmen” Wung refers to—state operatives carrying out atrocities to discredit Ambazonia.
- On Village Burnings and Infrastructure
Wung claims Ambazonians burn homes and markets. Evidence shows otherwise.
Between 2017 and 2021, Cameroon’s army burned over 300 villages during punitive raids, as documented by Amnesty International, HRW, and BBC Africa Eye. The ASA lacks the heavy weaponry to conduct such large-scale destruction. These burnings are state operations, not Ambazonian tactics.
When ASA units have targeted infrastructure, it has been military logistics disguised as civilian projects, not genuine community development. The Ambazonian Government distinguishes between colonial occupation infrastructure, which sustains the war, and authentic community projects, which it supports.
- On Traditional Rulers
One of Wung’s most emotionally charged accusations is that Ambazonians are “killing their own chiefs.” This is demonstrably false.
The Ambazonian Government has no policy of targeting traditional rulers. Many legitimate chiefs are respected partners in Ambazonia’s county and zonal governance structures.
Some targeted rulers operated in zones heavily infiltrated by state intelligence or collaborated openly with the colonial administration.
Most critically, the faction that has actually killed chiefs and publicly claimed responsibility is AGOVC, a proxy of the Biya junta. In Momo County, AGOVC fighters murdered local rulers and announced it on social media. These were Bamkoui’s proxy operations, designed to sow fear, inflame communities, and blame the Ambazonian Government.
So who is killing chiefs? Paul Biya’s regime, through AGOVC proxies—not the ASA or the Ambazonian Government.
- On Banking, Police, and the Military
Allegations that Ambazonians attack banks are often state-sponsored robberies or criminal gangs, not the ASA. The ASA relies on diaspora funding, not criminal activity.
Cameroon’s military and police are not “peacekeepers.” They are foreign occupation forces in Ambazonia. Under international law, armed resistance against occupation is legitimate. The ASA targets these occupation forces, not civilians. Celebrating victories against occupiers is a normal part of liberation struggles, as seen in Algeria, Eritrea, and East Timor.
- On Alleged Concessions and International Isolation
Wung repeats the regime’s narrative that Cameroon has made “concessions,” citing Tchiroma’s removal and the Grand National Dialogue. These gestures were cosmetic. The Grand National Dialogue was stage-managed, with no ceasefire, no neutral mediation, and pre-determined outcomes.
By contrast, the Ambazonian Government accepted Swiss-led mediation in 2019, appointed negotiators, and declared readiness for talks without preconditions. Yaoundé later sabotaged this process.
Additionally, the United States Senate unanimously passed Resolution 684 in January 2020, calling on both the Government of Cameroon and Ambazonian leadership to enter negotiations without preconditions, with credible third-party mediation. This resolution shows that the international community recognizes the crisis as political, not criminal, and demands good-faith negotiations between the two parties.
And just a few hours ago, Newsweek Magazine devoted a one-hour interview to President Dr. Samuel Ikome Sako. Does that sound like international isolation? On the contrary, it highlights growing global recognition of Ambazonian leadership. Dr. Sako is increasingly viewed as a leading African authority who understands the dynamics of African politics and can offer solutions to future diplomatic challenges. This level of engagement underscores Ambazonia’s rising international relevance, not marginalization.
The claim that Ambazonia is “isolated internationally” is therefore demonstrably false. No state has recognized Cameroon’s annexation as lawful. Western governments continue to call for a negotiated political settlement, not Biya’s military victory.
Any diplomatic distancing concerns AGOVC’s criminal exposure, not the Ambazonian Government or the ASA.
- The Real Picture
When examined carefully, Damian Kedzih Wung’s accusations are revealed as recycled propaganda from the Biya regime.
The only faction arrested and indicted abroad for kidnappings is AGOVC under Cho Ayaba — a Bamkoui proxy. Cho Ayaba is jailed in Norway; his lieutenants Benedict Nwana Kuah and Pascal Kikishy Wongbi are under arrest in Minnesota; and their lobbyists are resigning.
The Cameroonian military is the primary perpetrator of massacres and burnings.
“Unidentified gunmen” are often state-backed militias or intelligence operatives.
AGOVC killed chiefs in Momo County to blame the Ambazonian Government, following Bamkoui’s directives.
The ASA stands for lawful resistance, civilian protection, and internationally mediated negotiations.
U.S. Senate Resolution 684 and the Newsweek interview with President Dr. Sako underscore growing international recognition, not isolation.
Conclusion
The accusations made by CPDM militant Damian Kedzih Wung of Esu Fondom are not independent critiques but carefully crafted propaganda, aimed at blurring the lines between Biya’s criminal proxies and Ambazonia’s legitimate liberation movement.
The facts tell a different story: the Ambazonian Government stands for international law, civilian protection, and negotiations without preconditions; the crimes Wung attributes to Ambazonians are in fact the work of the colonial regime and its AGOVC proxies.
This is the official rebuttal to the propaganda claims of Damian Kedzih Wung. It sets the record straight for media, diplomatic actors, and the Ambazonian people.
