We are home to news on Cameroon and the CEMAC region. We are dedicated to honest and reliable reporting. We are the voice of the Cameroonian people and their fight for freedom and democracy at a time when the Yaoundé government is silencing dissent and suppressing democratic voices.
Par Celeste Maddox The Independentist (Partie 1) Hier, l’un de nous a réagi à une publication qui demandait : « Que s’est-il passé avec la première fédération ? » Cette réflexion a croisé mes propres pensées sur la question. J’ai promis d’apporter davantage de détails, car l’affaire de Foumban est centrale à notre cause. J’avais
At the 849th meeting of the Fourth Committee on 25 February 1959, Mr. Ahidjo declared: “We are not annexationists. If our brothers of the British zone wish to unite with independent Cameroun, we are ready to discuss the matter with them, but we will do so on a footing of equality.” By Celeste Maddox Before
Le Libéralisme Communautaire de Biya s’inscrivait parfaitement dans ce dispositif. Il subordonnait la liberté à l’unité, assimilait le fédéralisme au tribalisme, et sacralisait le chef comme incarnation de l’État. Ce fut l’expression locale d’un projet plus vaste : un Mein Kampf africanisé, combiné à la monarchie présidentielle de De Gaulle. Par MC Chryton, Desk Politique
De l’enlèvement de Sisiku, à l’effondrement de Chris Anu, à l’isolement de Marianta, à la disparition de Kometa, jusqu’à l’incarcération d’Ayaba — chaque tentative de décapitation a eu une conséquence inattendue. En écartant ceux qui étaient les plus enclins à compromettre, les plus avides d’argent ou les plus facilement dupés, l’ennemi a ironiquement purifié la
Biya’s Communal Liberalism fit perfectly into this framework. It subordinated freedom to unity, branded federalism as tribalism, and exalted the leader as the embodiment of the nation. It was the local expression of a broader authoritarian vision — an Africanised Mein Kampf, combined with de Gaulle’s presidential monarchy. By MC Chryton, The Independentist Political Desk
From Sisiku’s rendition, to Chris Anu’s collapse, to Marianta’s isolation, to Kometa’s disappearance, to Ayaba’s incarceration — every attempted decapitation has had an unintended consequence. By removing those most willing to compromise, most eager for money, or most easily deceived, the enemy has ironically purified the revolution. The Independentist Editorial Desk Destabilisation is not an
The passing of Law No. 24/61 and Ahidjo’s repeated statements leave no doubt: no federation was ever formed between LRC and the British Southern Cameroons. Before 1 October 1961, LRC had already transformed itself into a so-called “federal” state — unilaterally. By Celeste Maddox Even with the illegality of the Foumban meeting, no agreement was
After the plebiscite of February 1961 and the UN vote for Southern Cameroons independence, the United Nations recommended a tripartite conference to determine the terms of association between the British Southern Cameroons and the Republic of Cameroun. By Celeste Maddox Yesterday, one of us reacted to a post that asked: “What happened to the first
President Paul Biya’s inability to connect with citizens has sparked concerns, even among his own party members, the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM). Colbert Gwain @The Muteff Factor (formerly The Colbert Factor) In the riveting agrarian community of Muteff in the Fundong Subdivision of the Boyo Division of Cameroon’s North West Region, the peasant women
This Is Why We Fight: The Betrayal of the Too-Trusting People of the Southern Cameroons
These assurances were given in speeches before the UN Decolonization Committee, the General Assembly, in public addresses, and even to the BBC. They were repeated often enough to convince not only our leaders, but also the world. By Celeste Maddox, Contributor Why We Cannot Forget The struggle of the Southern Cameroons — Ambazonia — is