Nkonda Titus is a British Marine officer. He represents the digital evolution of this doctrine. His platform functions as a dissemination hub for graphic propaganda designed to portray the Ambazonian State Army (ASA) as purely terrorist. He has repeatedly acted as a “first responder” to atrocities—releasing images before any independent verification or official investigation.
By Timothy Engonene
Guest Editor-in-Chief, The Independentist News
18 January 2026
As the Ambazonian War of Independence enters yet another year of defiance, the regime of Paul Biya continues to rely not only on military repression but on a calculated digital “fifth column” designed to corrode the struggle from within. Central to this strategy is Nkonda Titus Aghen, widely known as MKPD (My Kontri Pipo Dem).
Operating from the United Kingdom, Nkonda Titus is not merely a blogger or online provocateur. He is the contemporary expression of an old Cameroonian doctrine: manufacture intermediaries, elevate lackeys, neutralize authentic leadership—and discard the intermediaries once they have served their purpose.
The Historical Blueprint of Betrayal
The methods deployed today are not new. They are a continuation of the “divide, use, and discard” strategy perfected by the Yaoundé regime since the era of Ahmadou Ahidjo. History is unequivocal: Yaoundé has never sought genuine dialogue with legitimate representatives. Instead, it manufactures compliant substitutes to suffocate authentic opposition.
1968: The regime orchestrated the removal of Augustine Ngom Jua, a prime minister who defended Southern Cameroons’ interests, replacing him with the more pliable Solomon Tandeng Muna.
1970: Muna was then used to marginalize and sideline John Ngu Foncha, the principal architect of reunification.
1972: Muna was positioned as the public face of the so-called “Unitary State,” enabling the abolition of the federal arrangement and the total dismantling of Southern Cameroons’ autonomy.
The Muna Precedent: A Career Built on Deception
Solomon Tandeng Muna’s political career stands as the definitive cautionary tale for anyone tempted to bargain with Yaoundé. He was reportedly enticed with assurances of eventual succession if he successfully “integrated” the Anglophone territory. Following the 1972 referendum, Muna rose to become the second most powerful man in the country. Yet betrayal followed swiftly.
In 1975, Ahidjo bypassed Muna entirely, appointing Paul Biya as Prime Minister. By 1979, Biya—not Muna—was designated constitutional successor. To maintain Muna’s compliance, Ahidjo patronizingly claimed he needed to “learn the executive arm of government,” having previously served in legislative roles. Muna waited indefinitely.
On 4 November 1982, at 8:00 p.m., he learned via radio broadcast that Paul Biya was President. Between 1982 and 1988, Muna reportedly struggled even to secure an audience with Biya, who “did not have his time.” In 1988, Muna resigned and retreated to his village, Ngyen-Mbo—used, discarded, and forgotten.
The pattern repeated with Simon Achidi Achu, Prime Minister from 1992 to 1996, later sidelined and reduced to ceremonial board appointments once his utility expired.
The Cycle Continues: Franklin Njume and Success Nkongho
The same doctrine remains operational in 2026. Franklin Njume has long been aligned with the regime, defending state narratives with fervor. Yet after years of loyalty, he now publicly laments that he received nothing in return—not even a symbolic board appointment. His employment and security are reportedly under threat from the very system he once shielded.
Success Nkongho, formerly a separatist commander, defected to Yaoundé in a highly publicized maneuver in late 2019, delivering 87 refugees and former fighters from Nigeria as a political “gift.” His reward proved fleeting. By 2025, politically marginalized and sidelined, Nkongho announced the Cameroon Liberation Movement (CLM) and declared intentions to challenge Biya in the 2026 elections—an implicit admission that collaboration had reached a dead end.
Modern Sabotage: Nkonda Titus and the Digital Trap
Nkonda Titus is a British Marine officer. He represents the digital evolution of this doctrine. His platform functions as a dissemination hub for graphic propaganda designed to portray the Ambazonian State Army (ASA) as purely terrorist. He has repeatedly acted as a “first responder” to atrocities—releasing images before any independent verification or official investigation.
Notable examples include Florence Ayafor (Pinyin, 2019), Comfort Tumasang (Muyuka, 2020), and the murdered schoolchildren of Mother Francisca (Kumba, 2020).
One of the most insidious operations was the Bamenda taxi color-change policy. While separatist figures such as Cho Lucas Ayaba publicly promoted the measure, Titus later boasted that he was its true architect. The objective was strategic entrapment: provoke attacks on civilian drivers, collapse the local economy, and turn the Home Front against the resistance.
His collaboration with state security has also facilitated transnational repression. On 24 December 2025, Atam Neluse Bah was intercepted at Douala International Airport upon arrival from Belgium. Following a video published by Titus accusing him of financing separatism, Atam remains detained at the Police Judiciaire in Yaoundé—another casualty of digital informancy in service of a regime that history shows will eventually discard its informants as well.
A Call for Global Accountability
The international community—and particularly the government of the United Kingdom—can no longer feign ignorance while their territory is used as a staging ground for state-sponsored psychological warfare. An independent investigation into Nkonda Titus and his connections is imperative. Through such scrutiny, the officials in Yaoundé directing this disinformation architecture will inevitably be exposed.
Conclusion
Yaoundé’s dependence on fifth columnists like Titus and enforcers such as Paul Atanga Nji is not a sign of strength but of decay. From Muna to Achidi Achu, and from Success Nkongho to Franklin Njume, the regime’s record is consistent: exploit, discard, repeat. In time, even Atanga Nji will meet the same fate.
As Frederick Douglass warned, “Find out just what any people will quietly submit to and you have found out the exact measure of injustice and wrong which will be imposed upon them.” And as Mark Twain observed, a lie may travel swiftly, but truth—once standing—cannot be outrun.
No amount of orchestrated outrage or internal sabotage can extinguish a legitimate struggle for freedom. Regardless of how Yaoundé deploys its puppets, the spirit of Ambazonia endures—and will prevail.
Timothy Engonene
Guest Editor-in-Chief,
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