Maurice Tiibam Kube’s resignation letter adds to an atmosphere of uncertainty. His departure is not an isolated incident; rather, it reflects a broader unease among some local party actors who find themselves caught between loyalty to the system and growing public frustration.
By Ali Dan Ismael, Editor-in-Chief on Assignment, in Bamenda
A Resignation That Shook Boyo
On October 15, 2025, a quiet letter from Njinikom, Boyo Division, sent ripples through Cameroon’s political landscape. Maurice Tiibam Kube, a long-time militant of the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) and a respected local party figure, tendered his resignation in protest against what he called “a national embarrassment and a direct assault on truth and decency.”
At the heart of his resignation was a discrepancy that has long haunted Cameroon’s electoral history: official figures claimed that 2,241 votes were cast for President Paul Biya in Njinikom during the October 12 presidential election. Eyewitness accounts, however, suggest that fewer than 130 citizens were present at the Njinikom Community Hall, where all polling stations were centralized. Maurice called the result “a mathematical miracle of fraud” and said it had “brought shame and ridicule upon the proud sons and daughters of Njinikom.”
This act of defiance is not only personal—it shines a light on structural tensions within the CPDM and the broader political system that has governed Cameroon for over four decades.
A Pattern Revisited: Allegations of Electoral Fraud
Cameroon has experienced allegations of ballot-stuffing and electoral manipulation since the reintroduction of multiparty politics in 1992. Opposition parties have repeatedly claimed that official tallies do not reflect actual turnout, pointing to inflated numbers in traditionally opposition-leaning areas as evidence of systematic fraud.
In regions like Boyo, where ghost towns and boycotts are widespread forms of political expression, claims of thousands of votes for the ruling party have often been met with skepticism. Maurice’s resignation echoes these long-standing concerns, providing a rare insider voice to what many opposition supporters see as an entrenched practice.
The Regime’s Position
The CPDM leadership, for its part, rejects allegations of fraud. Party officials insist that the October 12 election was conducted peacefully and transparently, with ELECAM (Elections Cameroon) and the Constitutional Council as guarantors of legitimacy. They argue that the party’s results reflect its enduring popularity, pointing to its extensive grassroots structures, patronage networks, and the loyalty of civil servants and rural populations who have benefited from its programs.
Supporters of the ruling party contend that opposition narratives of boycott are often overstated, and that voter apathy among some groups does not equate to universal opposition. From their perspective, high CPDM tallies in regions like Njinikom demonstrate both organizational capacity and the resilience of the party’s support base.
Signs of Internal Strain
Yet, the cracks are visible. The dramatic moment came when Paul Tassong and other CPDM stewards publicly called for the arrest of Issa Tchiroma Bakary after he declared himself the winner of the presidential election. According to observers, this reaction revealed not only anger but also a sense of vulnerability within the ruling elite. For Tchiroma, once a regime insider himself, this was a clear signal that his political life—and possibly his personal freedom—was entering dangerous territory.
Maurice’s resignation letter adds to this atmosphere of uncertainty. His departure is not an isolated incident; rather, it reflects a broader unease among some local party actors who find themselves caught between loyalty to the system and growing public frustration.
A System at a Crossroads
The CPDM, founded in 1985, has been the dominant force in Cameroonian politics for decades. It has weathered economic crises, regional conflicts, and political challenges through a combination of institutional control, security enforcement, and electoral dominance.
However, the 2025 presidential election is unfolding in a different context. With President Biya at 92 years old and an increasingly fragmented elite, the system faces new pressures:
Credibility Crisis: Growing skepticism about official results threatens the legitimacy of electoral institutions.
Elite Tensions: Power struggles within the ruling party have become more visible, particularly in response to Issa Tchiroma’s challenge.
Grassroots Disconnection: In many regions, CPDM’s official narratives no longer align with the lived experiences of citizens who have disengaged from state politics.
International Attention: Cameroon’s political transition is now drawing sharper international scrutiny, raising the stakes for all actors involved.
Diagnosis of a Political Ailment
Maurice Tiibam Kube’s letter, while personal, acts like a diagnostic tool: it reveals both structural vulnerabilities and moral fractures within the ruling party. The practice of reporting inflated numbers, long seen as routine, is now being questioned not just by opponents but by insiders.
At the same time, the CPDM remains a formidable organization—deeply embedded in state structures, well-funded, and accustomed to navigating crises. Its survival has historically depended on its ability to maintain control over electoral processes and manage dissent through both co-optation and coercion.
Whether this model can endure in the current climate is now an open question.
Conclusion
The resignation of Maurice Tiibam Kube in Boyo is more than a local incident. It is a symbol of deepening contradictions within a political system that is facing unprecedented challenges from both within and without.
For supporters of change, it is a moment of vindication. For the CPDM, it is a warning sign—a reminder that control mechanisms that once seemed unshakable are beginning to face internal resistance.
As Cameroon awaits the official results and possible legal challenges, the real battle may not be at the ballot box but within the structures of power themselves.
Ali Dan Ismael, Editor-in-Chief
