Barrister Timothy Mbeseha, Human rights activist
– A Personal Opinion –
By Barrister Timothy Mbeseha
1. Purpose
This write-up serves as a reminder that the Ambazonian restoration struggle has reached its final phase. Sooner or later, both parties—Ambazonia and La République du Cameroun—will be compelled by necessity to meet face-to-face to address the root causes of the conflict. As we continue to prosecute the war on the ground, we must prepare for the inevitable negotiations. We’ve always maintained that such negotiations must be conducted with an impartial and mutually accepted mediator under the auspices of the United Nations. The involvement of international observers will lend credibility to both the process and the outcome.
It is important to proceed with the assumption that those selected to represent Ambazonia will be individuals who are well-versed in the history of the struggle and who understand the intricate issues involved. This opinion piece is intended for those fully committed to the complete restoration of the statehood and institutions of the British Southern Cameroons/Ambazonia. It does not cater to federalists or unionists.
2. From Awareness to Resistance (1961 – 2017)
From 1961 to 2017, the conversation around the incomplete decolonisation of the British Southern Cameroons focused heavily on educating and sensitising the population. Key individuals such as the late Albert Mukong, Njoh Litumbe, and Barrister Fon Gorji Dinka played major roles in keeping the topic alive. In addition, organisations like the Cameroon Anglophone Movement (CAM), Southern Cameroons Peoples Organisation (SCAPO), All Anglophone Conference (AAC I), and the Southern Cameroons National Council (AAC II/SCNC), as well as the Consortium, all contributed—either individually or collectively—toward citizen education. This steady enlightenment effort is what kept the spirit of resistance burning for more than five decades.
One symbolic moment was on December 30, 1999, when the late Justice Frederick A. Ebong, Pa Sabum, and a few others stormed the CRTV station in Buea and proclaimed the restoration of the independence of British Southern Cameroons. That bold move was quickly neutralised when Justice Ebong was abducted and jailed in Yaoundé. After his release, he fled to the United States where he was granted asylum. He passed away in July 2019.
For many years, most of these individuals and groups advocated for reforming the system and returning to federalism. However, the 2016 protests by English-speaking teachers and Common Law lawyers marked a turning point. These professional groups were protesting for sectoral reforms in the education and legal systems. The civil society in both English-speaking regions, together with the SCNC, soon joined the movement. This led to the formation of a broader alliance now known as the Consortium.
Along with the original demands of the teachers and lawyers, the Consortium called for a revisit of the unitary state system. The government responded by declaring the form of the state non-negotiable. To assert its authority, the regime banned the Consortium and the SCNC, arresting some of their leaders while others fled to neighbouring Nigeria to seek refuge.
Once in Nigeria, the exiled leaders of the Consortium and SCNC joined other liberation movements and activists. Together, they formed the Southern Cameroons United Front (SCACUF), which was led by Deacon Tassang Wilfred, a former leader of the banned Consortium. SCACUF later evolved into the Southern Cameroons/Ambazonia Governing Council under the leadership of Sisiku Ayuk Tabe. Eventually, this structure birthed what became known as the Interim Government, and leadership transitioned from Deacon Tassang to Sisiku Ayuk Tabe, who became the first President of the Interim Government of Ambazonia.
3. Key Milestones Under Sisiku Ayuk Tabe
The arrival of Sisiku Ayuk Tabe at the helm marked two historic milestones. First, he declared the restoration of the independence of Southern Cameroons on October 1, 2017. Second, he emerged as the first President of the Interim Government of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia, as per the final resolutions of the 4th Conclave held in Zaria, Nigeria, from October 27 to 31, 2017.
These two events were not just symbolic—they established a constitutional and strategic foundation for the struggle. Going forward, the focus must remain on the complete restoration of Ambazonia’s independence and its institutions. The time for constitutional reforms has passed.
4. Unassailable Legal Foundations
Making the case for the restoration of statehood for BSC/Ambazonia is not difficult. The territory still retains its natural landmarks—streams, valleys, and even some of the original Simon-Milne boundary pillars used to demarcate its borders remain traceable. There is a mountain of documentary evidence supporting the claim that La République du Cameroun and British Southern Cameroons are two distinct entities under international law.
To begin with, LRC gained independence on January 1, 1960—without British Southern Cameroons. Furthermore, LRC became a signatory to Article 4(b) of the African Union’s Constitutive Act, which explicitly limits each member state’s territorial boundaries to what they were at the time of independence. Numerous UN documents reinforce the legal case for separation.
5. Restoring State Institutions
Restoring BSC/Ambazonia must include reestablishing its institutions. The declaration made by President Sisiku Ayuk Tabe on October 1, 2017, should be seen not as the end but as a starting point for restoring these institutions. Some adjustments have been made since the creation of the Interim Government, and more may follow. However, any changes must align with the core vision and spirit of the 2017 restoration proclamation.
To illustrate:
The name Interim Government has been updated to Government of Ambazonia in Exile, in recognition of the fact that the government of BSC before annexation was not interim. Most governments in exile function this way during liberation.
The Restoration Council has been renamed House of Representatives, and the House of Chiefs has been reinstated, reviving the bicameral legislature that existed in pre-annexation BSC.
The interim constitution has been restructured and renamed BSC/Ambazonia Orders in Council, reflecting the original legal nomenclature used during the BSC era.
The Justice Department now draws from the 1955 Southern Cameroons High Court Law.
These changes demonstrate the commitment to continuity with the past and the legitimacy of our cause. They also underscore why all Ambazonian patriots should embrace the term Federal Government of Ambazonia in all negotiations and public diplomacy. What frightens Yaoundé the most is not the protests—it is the presence of a functioning Ambazonian government with institutions.
This explains why LRC went to such lengths to abduct President Ayuk Tabe and his team from Nigeria. Their aim was to destroy the Interim Government and any semblance of restored statehood. That’s also why LRC avoids using the name “Ambazonian Government” in its public statements. Instead, they refer to “terrorists” and deny having anyone to talk to—so they can manipulate negotiations with individuals or small groups and keep the people divided. We must not fall for this tactic.
6. Negotiation Architecture: A “Rainbow” Team
Today, the struggle includes many other groups and unaffiliated but committed individuals. That is not unusual in liberation movements worldwide. The key is to learn from others and model our strategy accordingly. When the time comes, all these factions must converge under the Federal Government of Ambazonia banner.
To facilitate this, a negotiation body could be named The Restored BSC/Ambazonia Rainbow Negotiation Team. The term “rainbow” pays tribute to the 50-member delegation led by Premier J.N. Foncha to the Foumban Conference on July 17, 1961. That delegation reflected inclusive political leadership—so much so that it even included Dr. E.M.L. Endeley, who had opposed the idea of separation from LRC. We must adopt such an inclusive strategy again, but this time with clearer purpose and stronger coordination.
Strategic planning for this must be completed well in advance—not in the heat of negotiations. What happened during the failed Canadian pre-talks should not be repeated. That episode ended without a joint communiqué, and all we heard was the AGOVC version narrated by Capo Daniel, who was not representing the Federal Government of Ambazonia.
7. Guiding Principles for Negotiators
What happened in Canada serves as a reminder that negotiations over something as complex as the restoration of statehood and institutions cannot be left to amateurs. Such efforts require seasoned professionals with deep political and legal knowledge.
This was the logic behind the creation of the Ambazonia Coalition Team (ACT). It was the brainchild of President Dr. Samuel Ikome Sako, who understood the gravity of what was ahead. He recognised the need to consolidate the expertise, perspectives, and strategic capabilities of all factions—not for any group, not even for the President himself, but to serve the people and the State of Ambazonia.
The ACT was never meant to be a partisan vehicle. It was envisioned as a collective force, pooling all available intellectual and diplomatic resources. This was in contrast to the haphazard approach in Canada, where people posed as experts without the required credentials or capacity to handle state-level negotiations.
To move forward effectively, we must return to the founding principles of the ACT. United, we are stronger—and possibly unbeatable—regardless of our differences.
8. Conclusion
Ambazonia’s case for restored statehood is undeniable. It is supported by history, geography, law, and the will of the people. To reach the finish line, we must stay focused, strategically organised, and institutionally unified. A professionally composed Rainbow Negotiation Team, anchored in the legitimacy of the Federal Government of Ambazonia, is our best chance at achieving the freedom we have fought so long and hard to secure.
About the Author
Barrister Timothy Mbeseha is a respected legal practitioner and human rights advocate with a lifelong commitment to justice, dignity, and self-determination for the people of British Southern Cameroons. He brings decades of legal experience to the service of the Ambazonian cause, combining a strong grasp of international law with strategic insight into negotiation, governance, and transitional justice. Currently based in the United States, Barrister Mbeseha remains a key voice in the global discourse on Ambazonian sovereignty, offering legal counsel, public advocacy, and thought leadership to the Federal Government of Ambazonia and its negotiation strategy.
Disclaimer:
The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official position of the Government of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia.
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