The test of leadership now is not the cleverness of slogans but the courage to pair historical understanding with policy creativity. If Issa Tchiroma wishes to be taken seriously by Ambazonians, he must make the difficult leap from symbolic gestures to binding proposals—on security, economic revival, and justice—that can be transparently implemented and independently verified.
By Prof. Patrice Nganang, Chair, Stony Brook University, New York, USA
We all know Issa Tchiroma Bakary is a federalist. He has said so publicly and has acted on that conviction. He campaigned alongside anglophone federalists such as Agbor Nkongho. That fact is on the record. But it is important to place this stance in historical perspective: federalism is not a risky novelty in the anglophone political space—it is the classic, historically dominant position. From John Ngu Foncha and Tandeng Muna to John Fru Ndi and Joshua Osih, federalism has long been the lingua franca of anglophone political thought in Cameroon.
To claim the federalist label is therefore neither brave nor innovative for an anglophone; it is the ordinary and expected posture. Even for a francophone like Tchiroma, whose evolution toward federalist language is noteworthy, the label itself does not by itself change the realities on the ground.
Historically, federalism was once a mainstream constitutional arrangement in Cameroon: Ahmadou Ahidjo presided over a Federal Republic from 1961 to 1970. It was Paul Biya’s constitutional reforms in 1983 that rendered federalism politically radioactive in francophone discourse. Thus, Tchiroma’s federalist affirmation must be read against that longer arc: it undoes (in word at least) the taboo that had been imposed by the post-1983 order. But the real test in the present moment is not whether a politician names federalism; it is whether he can meaningfully address the catastrophic consequences of the armed conflict that has convulsed the anglophone regions since Paul Biya’s declaration of war on 30 November 2017.
During his visit to Bamenda, Tchiroma did something more consequential than merely repeat federalist doctrine: he publicly invited Chris Anu, placed him under security, and thereby signaled, at least rhetorically, an openness to engage with figures associated with the Ambazonian cause.
For a francophone politician to make such a gesture in an anglophone stronghold was politically resonant; Jean Kuete of the DRPC immediately condemned it. Similarly, other candidates—Cabral Libii, for example—have been photographed with anglophone leaders such as Tapang Ivo Tanku. These gestures have amplified resonance precisely because francophone doxa since 2016 has too often marginalized anglophone actors, treating anglophone politics as a peripheral afterthought or, worse, a problem to be managed rather than a polity to be recognized.
Yet these gestures—photos, symbolic invitations, security details—risk remaining mere lip service unless matched by concrete policy and by readiness to address the three core problems that any president will face in the Southwest and Northwest:
Security: The reality is that civilians in the Northwest and Southwest have taken up arms. Any serious plan must ask how to induce fighters to disarm and reintegrate without merely promising new forms of marginalization.
Economic rehabilitation: Both regions have suffered severe economic decline since 2016. Reversing collapse requires targeted investment, infrastructure, jobs, and a credible timetable that anglophone citizens trust will be honored.
Justice for victims: Meaningful reconciliation demands accountability and reparative measures for those who have suffered abuses—state and non-state alike.
Tchiroma’s federalist rhetoric alone will not achieve these ends. The SDF embraced federalism from 1990 onward and yet could not prevent the descent into armed conflict in 2017. That historical lesson should temper any simplistic faith in constitutional labels. The federalist carrot—by itself—will not persuade many fighters to lay down their arms. It did not prevent the 2017 uprising; it will not be sufficient now.
That said, federalism and Ambazonian claims are not mutually exclusive. They can be complementary if handled with political imagination and moral seriousness. To be seen by Ambazonians as a credible partner, Issa Tchiroma must go beyond generalities and undertake two essential commitments:
First, he must acknowledge, in clear and unequivocal terms, the political agency of the English-speaking people of Cameroon. That recognition must include their right to genuine self-determination and the political dignity that flows from it—not as rhetorical flourish, but as the basis for an inclusive settlement process.
Second, he must concede that federalism, while potentially part of a negotiated settlement for many, cannot be presented as the single, definitive solution for all actors. For some Ambazonians, sovereignty is not negotiable; for others, extensive autonomy might suffice. A credible approach will combine constitutional reform, transitional justice, economic rebuilding, and a frank, constitutionally backed mechanism for resolving the ultimate question of political status.
If Tchiroma fails to embrace a strategy built on the twin pillars of recognition and pragmatic, enforceable guarantees—if he substitutes symbolism for substance—then the likely outcome is grim: a continuation of the war under new leadership, a repetition of Biya-era tactics to crush popular sovereignty by force. The cost will be paid in blood and in the further unraveling of what remains of civic life in the anglophone regions.
The test of leadership now is not the cleverness of slogans but the courage to pair historical understanding with policy creativity. If Issa Tchiroma wishes to be taken seriously by Ambazonians, he must make the difficult leap from symbolic gestures to binding proposals—on security, economic revival, and justice—that can be transparently implemented and independently verified. Only then can the arms-depot of politics be transformed into a genuine depot for peace.
Patrice Nganang
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