Francophone Contempt and the Strength of Bamenda

Paul Biya himself admitted to Ibrahim Moh that assimilation was the regime’s project. And he confessed — it failed.

By The Independentist editorial Desk

In the Cameroonian political vocabulary, the word “Bamenda” has been twisted into an insult. For many Francophones, it is shorthand for “anglofool” — a wild rebel. Yet this label says more about the one who speaks it than about the one who receives it. It reflects a prejudice deeply woven into the culture of La République.

Francophone elites themselves admit it. One told me openly: “We always deceive Bamenda people.” He listed the betrayals without shame — Foumban in 1961, the elections of 1992, the constitutional reforms of 1996. For them, deception was not a mistake; it was policy. Today, when the same elites attempt damage control, it is not born of love or remorse, but of fear. Fear of losing Southern Cameroons, with its thirty-five oil fields, compared to just two on the Francophone side.

The stereotypes are cruel and familiar. Anglophones are mocked as housekeepers, baby sitters, and servants — people to work but never to lead. Yet this rhetoric is hollow. Even within Francophone society — particularly among the Beti elite — there are whispers that their own daughters are seen as “cheap.” The hypocrisy is clear: they project their weaknesses onto Anglophones to mask their own shame.

Paul Biya himself admitted to Ibrahim Moh that assimilation was the regime’s project. And he confessed — it failed.

Language, Pride, and Insecurity

If language tells a story, history provides the proof. The same Francophones who look down on Anglophones today once stood in complete admiration when Britain defended France in World War II. That dependence left a deep inferiority complex which has never left the French or their Francophone heirs. It takes only a little debate to expose the hollow pride behind their words.

This false pride was cultivated by Charles de Gaulle after the humiliating defeat of France during the war. France was down and out, the laughing stock of Europe. Its armies had collapsed, its government disgraced. Only in Africa did it attempt to rebuild its pride, projecting strength where it could still dominate. And today even Francophones themselves know the truth. Their fragile economies confirm what the world has long understood: behind the loud pride lies emptiness, a hollow shell.

The same insecurity played out in 1990, when Cameroon nearly defeated England in the World Cup. For many, it was not just football — it was a symbolic clash of languages, French versus English. And when England won in the return match, that rivalry was laid bare again. Francophone pride has always been fragile — loud on the surface, but insecure underneath.

Why Assimilation Failed

Assimilation was not vague. It was structured, systematic, and enforced:

Geographic Entrapment: Ambazonians could not travel from North to South without passing through French Cameroon. Internal unity was deliberately undermined.

Educational Engineering: Higher education was centralized in a “federal” university system under Francophone control, with French professors and curricula. Instead of producing assimilation, it produced waves of student resistance.

Language as Control: Courts, administration, and exams increasingly privileged French. But in 2016, Anglophone lawyers and teachers rose up, refusing to yield.

What was meant to erase identity only sharpened it. And in today’s world, nothing is hidden. With technology, diaspora, and global awareness, every abuse is documented, every deception exposed, every generation more conscious than the last.

And yet, not every Francophone is blind. Courageous voices in Douala, Yaoundé, and beyond — journalists, priests, academics, and activists — have condemned the marginalization of Anglophones, often at great personal risk. Some stood with Anglophone lawyers and teachers in 2016. Others continue to denounce state corruption that impoverishes both Francophones and Anglophones alike. These rare exceptions prove that contempt is structural, but not universal.

Bamenda as Strength

The economic contradiction is stark. Southern Cameroons provides more than 62 percent of the GDP of the so-called republic. Its oil, food, and fertile land are welcome. Its people are not.

But here lies the deeper truth: what Francophones call an insult, Ambazonians claim as a badge of honour. Bamenda has been the cradle of resistance. Strikes in the 1990s, 2008, and 2016 all began there. And so we say: If Bamenda does not fall, Ambazonia stands.

“Bamenda” is not a slur. It is a sign of strength, bravery, and admiration.

The historic record is unshakable. Southern Cameroons was not part of La République du Cameroun at independence on January 1, 1960. No treaty of union exists. What binds the two today is not brotherhood, but conquest.

In 2025, Ambazonians must see through the smokescreen. Reconciliation cannot be built on contempt. And while we respect the rare Francophone voices who speak truth to power, the greater lesson remains: liberation is in our hands.

The Independentist editorial Desk