Politics

Four prime ministers in 13 months and a fractured National Assembly after the July 2024 snap elections have left Macron isolated. His attempt to cast himself as guarantor of the institutions is widely dismissed as hollow. Polls show that two-thirds of French citizens now want his resignation. By The Independentist editorial Desk Paris October 13,

In 1992, when early tallies pointed to a likely Fru Ndi victory, the regime of Paul Biya, supported quietly by French diplomatic networks and British disinterest, swiftly moved to seize control. France provided the logistical shield for electoral manipulation, while Britain openly declared it had “no interest” in the Southern Cameroons question. By The Independentist

Running in parallel is ELECAM (Elections Cameroon), the institution constitutionally mandated to guarantee free and fair elections. In practice, its leadership is handpicked from ruling party loyalists. By The Independentist Political Desk As the clock ticks toward yet another presidential proclamation in La République du Cameroun (LRC), the contours of power reveal a familiar script.

While the Biya loyalists cling to the illusion of total control through ELECAM and the Constitutional Council—both packed with regime loyalists—they understand that optics matter. A premature declaration of victory by Tchiroma could ignite spontaneous uprisings, especially in Garoua, Ngaoundéré, and Maroua, shattering the regime’s carefully scripted electoral theatre. By Ndasi Tata – See’am Talk’am

For decades, the Biya regime has perfected the art of electoral control. Before a single ballot is cast, the playing field is already tilted beyond recognition. The constitution places no term limits on the presidency. The electoral body, ELECAM, remains firmly under government control. Opposition parties face harassment, restrictive laws, and a state media that

Tchiroma’s predicament is a microcosm of Cameroon’s unresolved political question. The architecture of authoritarian resilience, constructed in 1992, remains intact. Those who once buttressed it cannot now pretend to be its victims without acknowledging their role in its creation. By The Independentist Political Desk Issa Tchiroma’s memory is painfully short. In 1992, the Cameroonian political

Electoral fraud in Cameroon is not based solely on ballot-box stuffing. It relies on a sophisticated logistical infrastructure designed to maintain control over the entire electoral process. By Ali Dan Ismael, editor in-chief just back from vacation and on assignment in Yaounde cameroon. A Logistics Network Built for Fraud As Cameroon heads toward the 2025

The wind has shifted. And in that shift lies the clearest sign yet that the Biyameroun system is running out of both time and consent. By The Independentist Political DeskOctober 9, 2025 Across the length and breadth of Cameroun, frustration with Paul Biya’s regime has reached a boiling point. From the far-northern town of Maroua

Official data from Elecam’s registers indicates that more than 2 million voters are registered in Bamenda, a figure that far exceeds the city’s total population of less than 700,000, including children and non-voting residents. Even the entire population of the Northwest Region — estimated at under 2 million — does not correspond to the number

Barrister Emmanuel Nsahlai, who filed the petition against Tchiroma, relies on Article 118 of the Cameroonian Electoral Code, which states that anyone who has placed themselves in a situation of dependence or collusion with a person, organisation, or foreign power is ineligible to contest the presidency. By The Independentist political Desk In trying to disqualify