This phenomenon fits squarely within Yaoundé’s historical pattern. Since the escalation of the conflict in 2017, LRC has repeatedly sought to bypass the Government of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia in exile, led by Dr. Samuel Ikome Sako, by sponsoring or encouraging proxy groups.
By The Independentist Political Desk
In recent months, a little-known group calling itself the “Friends of Ambazonia” has begun positioning itself as a new diplomatic actor in the Southern Cameroons–Ambazonia question. Though their public messaging projects the image of a credible international platform, closer scrutiny suggests that this group reflects a familiar pattern in La République du Cameroun’s (LRC) strategy to create alternative voices in the diaspora, rather than a genuinely independent initiative.
Origins and Alleged Backing
According to multiple diaspora sources, the Friends of Ambazonia are believed to operate on modest funding reportedly linked to the Prime Minister’s Office in Yaoundé. Their activities are coordinated primarily through an online forum based in Germany, reportedly managed by a refugee originally from Cameroon’s “11th province” diaspora, said to be living on German social security support.
The group maintains scattered representatives in Florida, Texas, Pennsylvania, and Maryland in the United States. Its operations consist mainly of online publications disseminated through little-known remote journals and occasional, lightly attended protests in suburban areas of major cities such as New York, which so far have not attracted significant public following or diplomatic traction.
Emmanuel Tita, Kizito Elad, Irene Ngwa, Evelyn Kwende, Richard Alangeh, Amos Tumenta, Caroline Jaman, and Victor Mbah are widely perceived to be among the group’s leading figures. Over the years, several of these individuals have lost a considerable degree of trust among the Ambazonian public — particularly on the home front — due to controversial political conduct and their persistent contacts with officials of the Biya regime, according to multiple diaspora observers.
These actors are believed to be pursuing a political objective aimed at dislocating the Government of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia in exile from the Ambazonia State Army (ASA) and eventually establishing their own “government” structure tied to Yaoundé — a vision described by analysts as a “pipe dream” propagated by the 11th province spokesperson Paul Bassa Nillong.
While the group presents itself as an advocate of “open diplomacy” and claims to bring fresh perspectives to the Southern Cameroons question, it has not been recognized by any major international body, foreign government, or established Ambazonian institution as a legitimate negotiating platform. Its emergence is widely interpreted as part of Yaoundé’s broader effort to cultivate parallel structures to speak on behalf of Southern Cameroonians abroad, without conferring actual political legitimacy.
Yaoundé’s Playbook: Creating Alternative Interlocutors
This phenomenon fits squarely within Yaoundé’s historical pattern. Since the escalation of the conflict in 2017, LRC has repeatedly sought to bypass the Government of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia in exile, led by Dr. Samuel Ikome Sako, by sponsoring or encouraging proxy groups.
The goal has typically been twofold:
Diplomatic Diversion: To offer international mediators a “moderate” or “accessible” counterpart more amenable to Yaoundé’s positions.
Diaspora Fragmentation: To sow confusion within the Ambazonian diaspora, dilute unified diplomatic messaging, and weaken coordinated international advocacy.
Previous attempts have generally failed to gain traction. International actors have often discerned the lack of political mandate behind such groups, and diaspora communities have tended to reject externally backed interlocutors as inauthentic.
The Role and Limitations of the ‘Friends’
The Friends of Ambqzonia have articulated the need for more open, public diplomacy, arguing that confidential engagements have not produced visible outcomes. They present themselves as a fresh voice seeking to accelerate international involvement in the conflict through more transparent methods.
However, multiple analysts and diplomatic observers interpret this “open diplomacy” narrative as a deliberate ruse aimed at drawing the Government of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia in exile into exposing its diplomatic strategies, thereby enabling French Cameroon to formulate countermeasures. This tactic has become particularly relevant following the recent strategic collapse of Yaoundé’s intelligence network across Ambazonia, a development highlighted by Issa Tchiroma Bakary’s unexpected public outburst, which exposed internal fractures within the regime’s operations.
In their confusion and frustration, the Friends of Ambazonia have also been observed circulating videos of successful operations by the Ambazonia State Army (ASA) and presenting them as their own achievements, despite having no record of mobilizing drafts or contributing to defense structures.
Dr. Samuel Ikome Sako has, however, consistently acknowledged the past contributions of individuals within this circle to the broader liberation cause and has publicly urged them to remain in good moral standing with the Ambazonian people, even if they disagree with his leadership style. This posture reflects an emphasis on maintaining national cohesion over personal or factional divisions.
Silent Diplomacy vs. Manufactured Diplomacy
The Government of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia in exile has deliberately pursued silent diplomacy for several years. This approach has involved confidential engagements with select international actors, legal actions at the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, and preparations for filings before international tribunals. It was designed to shield sensitive negotiations from sabotage and intelligence interception by Yaoundé and its proxies, while building a credible legal and diplomatic foundation.
While this low-profile strategy has sometimes attracted criticism for its lack of public visibility, it has allowed Ambazonian actors to develop structured relationships and protect the integrity of their international engagements. In contrast, groups like the Friends of Ambazonia operate in a parallel, less structured space, often without the authority, recognition, or strategic capacity required to influence actual negotiations.
Conclusion
The emergence of the Friends of Ambazonia, underscores a recurring dynamic in conflicts involving non-state actors: governments often attempt to engineer alternative interlocutors that they can influence, particularly when facing movements with clear legal and political claims.
The silver lining is that LRC, in attempting to exploit these individuals, has effectively acted like a vulture feeding on the very parasites that once obstructed diplomatic progress within the movement. As their operations become exposed and subject to ridicule, the Government of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia in exile now functions with renewed cohesion and energy, operating more like a frictionless diplomatic machine than ever before.
Whether this proxy initiative endures or fades, it highlights the importance of clarity, legitimacy, unity, and strategic discipline in Ambazonian diplomacy. For the international community, the key is to distinguish between proxy structures designed to serve state narratives and the Government of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia in exile, which continues to act as the principal diplomatic voice of Southern Cameroonians on the international stage.
The Independentist Political Desk
